Monday, January 27, 2020

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy

Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy Effect of British Post-War Immigration Policy This dissertation will examine in detail the extent to which British post-war immigration policy was used to pacify or appease racism in British society. As point of reference the following definition of racism is used: the overt and covert determination of actions, attitudes or policies by beliefs about racial characteristics accompanied by racist theories (Abercrombie, Hall Turner, 2000,p. 286). Racism in Britain was partly due to wishing to keep foreigners out especially non-whites and also ignorance of the cultures of the Black and Asian people that had been part of the British Empire and often held British passports. In 1948 the Atlee government surveyed public opinion about views on race and found that many whites believed that coloured people were promiscuous head hunters gifted at witchcraft and black magic with several wives each, surely an indictment of the British education system. It is no wonder with preconceptions like that there was always a sizable minority of whites who favoured restricting immigration and others that all non white immigrants and their British born children or grandchildren should be repatriated(Eatwell, 2003, p. 331). As shall be discussed in detail the British immigration policy during the post-war period has been changed from the open door policy towards all Commonwealth citizens to a tightening of immigration controls arguably if not always explicitly to restrict the number of non white immigrants into the country. Governments are the key decision-makers on immigration policy and providing they have complete control over legislation can encourage or restrict immigration whenever they want to. British governments are no exception to this, although they can be influenced by social, political and economic considerations. For much of the post-war era British governments were free to change immigration policy in any way they saw fit. However governments are susceptible to public opinion and prevailing social attitudes be they progressive or regressive in nature (Evans Newnham, 1998, p. 242). The immigration of Blacks and Asians into Britain was not a new phenomena experienced for the first time after 1945. In fact immigration had happened on a small scale for hundreds of years yet remained hardly noticed by the majority of the British society. Blacks and Asians had come to Britain for various reasons including the slave trade, being members of the merchant navy and the Royal Navy or the search for better lives and jobs. Britain had dominated the slave trade by transporting African slaves to the West Indies and the Americas before abolishing the trade itself in the early 1800s. The slave traders did not seem to have a racist motive in catchingAfricans; they just went for the people they could catch most easily.The legacy of the slave trade and the empire was that the white British tended to regard themselves as being better than the Black and Asian people they ruled. The slave trade had certainly helped to fund Britain’s economic and imperial expansion and meant Br itains imperial subjects would the have right to British citizenship. With British citizenship came the right to immigrate to Britain whether on a permanent basis or just for a temporary stay. Before 1945 the people of the new Commonwealth did not lack the rights to immigrate to Britain just the desire or the incentive. Racism was not seen as a problem that British society suffered from (Ramdin, 1999, pp.10-11). After the First World War the British government had not needed Black and Asian immigrants to help with reconstruction. As well as there being no official encouragement for immigration the poor shape of the British economy meant there was little chance of employment for immigrants or for all the white men demobilized from the armed forces. In fact unemployment was high for much of the 1920s and got even higher with the onset of the depression after 1929. During this period Britain did not tighten up its open door policy to immigration from the Empire. Yet when there was 2 million unemployed and immigrants would not have qualified for unemployment benefits Britain was not an attractive county to immigrate to (Pearce, 1992, p. 20). Those immigrants that did arrive in Britain found that the harsher economic conditions meant that more were opposed to their entry because of racism as well as the selfish desire to keep all jobs for themselves.Not all immigrants had bad experiences of livin g in Britain. Around400 Asians had settled in Glasgow and forged strong relationships with the local Scots especially with their contribution to the war effort during the Second World War (Ramdin, 1999, p. 139). Black and Asian people made vital contributions to the British war effort not only through their military and naval service but also by producing greater quantities of food plus other important supplies. In military terms the war had stretched Britain to its limit yet without African, WestIndian and Indian forces the situation would have been worse. Those former Black soldiers, sailors and aircrew believed their wartime service alone entitled them to immigrate to Britain if they wanted to(Hines, 1998, p.20). London was a beacon to those that immigrated to Britain or passing through during naval and military service, as it was the imperial and economic centre of the British empire (Okokon, 1998, p. 8). The emergence of the British Union of Fascists in the 1930s showed that there was support for racist ideas in Britain although at that time British Jews were the main targets of the BUF’s rhetoric and hatred.None of its members would have been averse to attacking or discriminating against Black and Asian immigrants. In the post-war era racists have happily supported the National Front and the British National Party (Pearce, 1992, p. 114). Those Black communities in Britain were familiar with racism and violent attacks. For instance there had been race riots against the Black people that lived in theTiger Bay area of Cardiff in 1919 as the dock owners tried to bar Blacks from working (Ramdin, 1999, p. 141). However after the Second World War the incoming Atlee government realized that Britain faced a serious shortage of labour. That shortage was solved by encouraging Black and Asian people in the new Commonwealth to immigrate to Britain to fill the vacant jobs and bring their families with them. The Atlee government had not seen racism, as a problem that should dictate changes in its immigration policy and for almost a decade neither did its Conservative successors. After allBlack and Asian immigrants legally had the same rights as white fellow citizens (although in practice discrimination restricted their rights)and there was by and large work for them. The government even got the former Prime Minister Winston Churchill to encourage West Indians to immigrate to Britain. Winston Churchill was well respected in the WestIndies, a respect that seemed to mutual as he regarded many WestIndians as been model citizens that could help the reconstruction of Britain and build themselves better ca reers and lives at the same time(Hines, 1998, p.14). Black and Asian immigrants were wanted to fill the vacancies that the white British either did not wish to fill or if there were not enough whites to fill the vacancies. Black immigrants were recruited in large numbers as bus drivers and industrial workers.They went all over Britain where ever there were jobs available. The creation of the National Health Service (NHS) meant that more Black workers were needed often men to be porters and women to beauxiliaries, cleaners or nurses. At the start of the post war period British immigration policy was open door towards Commonwealth citizens who were free to live and work in Britain as long as they could afford the air or more often the sea passage over. Many of the first generation of immigrants hoped to make enough in Britain to return home with their families (Gardiner and Wenborn, 1995, p. 188). Asian immigrants were mainly recruited to work within the textile industry in places such as Bradford, Blackburn and Oldham. WhereasBlack immigrants were usually Christians and were not too culturally different from the white population, Asian immigrants usually had different religions and were culturally distinct. However none of these immigrants could hide their skin colour and found they were not always welcome frequently facing racism and discrimination. Britain had granted independence to India in 1947, that was partitioned into India,East and West Pakistan. The citizens of these new countries alongside all other Commonwealth citizens were at that point free to immigrate to Britain and entitled to claim British citizenship. These rights were legally enshrined in the Nationalities Act of 1948 when economic self interest was more apparent than racism or any perceived need to appease or reduce it (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Large numbers of Asian immigrants brought multiculturalism to Britain. They also brought the Islamic, Hindu and Sikh religions too (Abercrombie, Hill Turner, 2000, p.232). Better-educated Asians would also join the NHS as doctors and dentists or become solicitors. Yet the majority of Black and Asian immigrants were only allowed to take semi or unskilled jobs (even if they were capable of more skilled work) that began to become scarcer towards the end of the 1950s. Thus reducing the economic urgency of continuing open door immigration policy (Schama, 2002, p. 550). Once larger numbers of immigrants arrived in Britain they found that although employment was readily available their opportunities were restricted and they faced both overt and covert racism. Some areas were more receptive to the new arrivals whereas other areas were down right hostile. British governments had hoped that the Black and Asian immigrants would eventually assimilate and integrate into British society as previous white immigrants had done. However this became increasingly unlikely as a result both of racism and the desire of immigrants to retain their cultural and religious identities. Unlike earlier Irish and Eastern European immigrants whose children might escape prejudice as they were white, Black and Asian immigrants knew that they and future generations would face ongoing racism. Racism appeared to be strongest in the areas where immigration had been most concentrated. These areas were the inner cities of London, Birmingham ,Manchester and Glasgow amongst others. The se areas were also the ones that tended to have the worst housing, health and education provision.Some whites were more than happy to mix with Black and Asian as witnessed by the success of the Notting Hill carnival. However there were also racists that caused tension and wanted immigration halted and perhaps even reversed. The presence of racism would mean that governments had to decide whether to counter, pacify or appease it by changing immigration policy, introducing race relations legislation or changing law and order considerations. Racists were and are voters and as both the Conservative and Labour parties believed that inner city and marginal seats could be vital to winning elections they were prepared to change immigration policy if they felt that was necessary.Changes to immigration policy since the 1960s amply demonstrate that the Conservative and Labour leadership were prepared to pacify and appease racism to win or retain power at general elections. The Conservatives we re probably more prepared to do so as they believed that many Blacks and Asians either voted Labour or did not vote at all(Watson, 1997, p. 423). Winston Churchill mentioned in cabinet meetings during 1954 that continued high levels of immigration â€Å"would sooner or later come to be resented by large sections of the British people†. Clearly the need for new immigrants to do the lowest status jobs was lessening (Hines, 1998, p.18). However events during the 1950s would lead the Conservative government to rethink immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. There had been minor disturbances in Nottingham in August 1958 where Black people lived in some of the most deprived areas of the city. The Nottingham police commented on the high level of racist provocation abuse that the well behaved West Indian population had had to endure and were surprised that they had not reacted more violently (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 176-77). As most of the early immigrants intended to return home they were not as vocal as they could have been in speaking out against the discrimination and intimidation that they suffered far to frequently (Hines, 1998, p. 19). Racists supported the Union Movement, the successor of the pre-warBUF that would shift its emphasis from anti-Semitism to racial discrimination and hatred of non white immigrants. In 1945 the Union Movement leader Sir Oswald Mosley seemed to be an eccentric irrelevance at best and a racist anti-Semitic pro-Nazi traitor at worst, or more accurately he was both. The Union Movement would have an influence out of proportion to its size in the changing of immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in society. In the 1950s Mosley decided that raising the race issue was the best way of increasing support for theFar Right in Britain or at the very least raising its profile. Whereas the Conservative government were at that time unwilling to change its immigration policy to pacify and appease racism within British society. Some of the government’s members and their advisors had considered including promises to restrict immigration as part of the Conservative party election manifesto for 1959 but instead concentrated on telling the electorate that they had never been so well of. That shows that the immigration issue was seen as being too important to be ignored. Mosley believed that the immigration would be the key to reviving his political fortunes. The Notting Hill riots of 1958 made Mosley think that the racist vote would be high enough for him to be elected for Notting Hill following the 1959 general election. Mosley’ shopes were dashed. The Union Movement remained small with only 5,000members. The revival of the Far Right in Britain was prevented by the rightward drift of the Conservative party over immigration policy that pacified and appeased racism (Eatwell, 2003, pp. 331-32). Although the Black communities in Nottingham and Notting Hill had been the victims of discrimination and violence they were effectively punished instead of helped by the government with the subsequent changes to British immigration policy. Aside from the nine white Teddyboys jailed for their part in the rioting the resulting changes inimmigration policy were a reward for racism, intimidation and discrimination. The Conservative government were unwilling to introduce anti racist discrimination laws on the grounds that the law already provided adequate punishment for anybody convicted for racially motivated violence, even if the racist could only get convicted for assault but not incitement (Ramdin, 1999, pp. 177-78). By 1962 the Conservative government had changed its mind about restricting immigration for Blacks and Asians bowing to fears amongst parts of middle class suburbia of allowing too many non whites into the country and rising levels of tension in the inner cities. Restrictions were supposed to reduce racial tensions in the areas were immigrants had already settled. The lack of protection for Black and Asian immigrants from racism and discrimination should have been obvious but only the Liberal party saw the need to introduce legislation to counter the problem. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act of 1962 reversed the open door immigration policy and allowed only those with guaranteed jobs with the work voucher to prove it, their families and students with confirmed university places to enter Britain (Gardiner Wenborn,1995, p. 188). If the aim of the act of was to keep the Conservatives in power it failed. In the short term aware of the forthcoming restrictions as many immigrants as possibl e came to Britain, 100,000 in1962 alone. There were exceptions for relatives or perspective spouses to enter the country but they had to prove their ties to people already here (Schama, 2002, p. 551). Immigration would decline markedly after the 1962 Act but as a political issue it has not gone away and has frequently been used by the Conservative party and those parties further to the right to gain electoral support. The Labour party despite anything it may have promised during periods of opposition did not remove the restrictions on immigration imposed by the Conservatives to pacify and appease racism in British society (Goldbourne, 1998, pp.51-2). In opposition the Labour party had been critical of the restrictions imposed through the 1962 act claiming that it was giving in to racist demands. However Labour had to balance keeping the votes of Labour supporters who were against immigration and gaining the vote of the nonwhite voters already in Britain. However once in power the Wilson government would further restrict Black and Asian immigration from theCommonwealth rather than restoring the open door immigration policy abandoned in 1962. The number of work vouchers for potential workers from the new Commonwealth that would allow them to work and live in Britain was further reduced to 8,500 per year in 1965. The Wilson government was reelected after a landslide victory in 1966 without race or immigration featuring heavily in the campaign and the Conservatives seemingly destined for a long stint in opposition. The next controversy over race that led to the Labour government changing immigration policy to pacify or appease racism in British society was as a result of events in Kenya. Kenya was a newly independent member of the Commonwealth that had a sizable minority of Asians that were descended from 19th century immigrants that Britain had recruited to staff the civil service and the railways. The Kenyan Asians were vital to the Kenyan economy yet the Kenyan government wished to deport its entire Asian population to keep the country for Africans only. This overt and outrageous piece of racism was thinly veiled under the termAfricanization. The British government had a responsibility to protect and give refuge to the Kenyan Asians as they held British passports.The Labour government’s Home Secretary Jim Callaghan was anxious to keep the entry of Kenyan Asians to the barest minimum by trying to get other Commonwealth countries to grant them asylum. The Immigration Act of 1968 was amended before its passing to allow only 1500 Kenyan Asian holding British passports and their families to gain entry to B ritain every year. It just happened that 1968 was the year that racism and immigration policy were put firmly in the public spotlight by the soon to be infamous speech of a single Conservative MP from the WestMidlands (Watson, 1997,p. 424). On 20 April 1968 in his home city of Birmingham the maverick yet intellectually capable Conservative front bench MP for Wolverhampton, Enoch Powell made a speech that caused race and immigration policy to go to the top of the political agenda. In his speech Powell called for the further restriction of immigration and to close the loopholes that allowed the relatives of those already settled in Britain to join their families. Powell believed that families should not be reunited and that those not already in Britain should not be allowed entry at all.The following section is the part of the speech that caused so much controversy:Those whom the gods wish to destroy, they first made mad. We must be mad, literally mad, as a nation to be permitting the annual inflow of some 50,000 dependents, who are for the most part the material of the future growth of the immigrant-descended population†¦ As I look ahead, I am filled with forboding. Like the Roman, I seem to see â€Å"the river Tib er foaming with much blood† (Comfort, 1993, p.524). The liberal minded Leader of the Opposition, Edward Heath was caught in a quandary as to whether to sack Powell from the shadow front bench or use the race issue in order to win the next general election. In the end he actually did both. Powell defended his speech saying he was warning about the harmful social consequences of too much immigration in producing racial tensions not to make those tensions worse. Heath sacked Powell from the shadow cabinet but did not expel him from the Conservative party, although Powell would have probably responded by standing as an independent candidate. Powell received over 100,000letters supporting his views and there were protests and strikes in his favour to (Comfort, 1993, p. 524). Enoch Powell found that his speech had been supported by around 75% of the British population according to opinion polls afterwards. Powell had hoped to make the Conservative party harder on immigration policy than the Labour party and that perception certainly helped Heath become Prime Minister, with anti-immigration and racist Labour voters to switch their support(Eatwell, 2003, p.337). The left wing cabinet minister Tony Benn was certainly not the only one dismayed at the Rivers of Blood speech as it gave fascists,neo-nazis and racists to protest against immigrants and it helped spread their racist propaganda. Powell had given them a great boast as immigration and race received more media coverage than usual. The uproar meant that if there were going to be further changes in British immigration policy those changes would be further restrictions to pacify and appease racism rather than liberalize policy. Benn had respected Powell’s abilities and would even work with him to stop British entry into the Common Market, however he resented Powell making the race and immigration issues â€Å"very dangerous and difficult.† Benn feared that the speech would be used to incite racial hatred and violence (Benn, 1988, p.60). For the Black and Asian communities the whole episode showed how ingrained racism and xenophobia was in British society. With public opinion on immigration so much in favour of restrictive or non existent immigration for non whites it was hardly surprising if British governments changed policy to pamper those view seven if it does show their lack of courage. It demonstrates that for most politicians it is more important to gain and hold power than it is to counter racism and discrimination (Evans, 2000, p.43). The uproar over Enoch Powell gave the Wilson government an excuse to restrict the number of Kenyan Asians allowed entry into Britain (not that it needed any). Wilson had been confident of a third election victory in June 1970. During that campaign Powell continued to raise the race issue and Heath promised to tighten up immigration policy if he was elected. Heath condemned Powell’s racism at the same time he was promising to pacify and appease racism through immigration policy. The race issue was widely seen as contributing to Heaths surprise election victory. Some commentators such as Jonathan Dimbleby even blamed TonyBenn for his denouncements of Powell (Benn, 1988, p. 294). The harsh reality of racism and the growing possibilities of restricted immigration led to the setting up of groups and organisations amongst immigrant communities to protect themselves as the government and political establishment did not. Such groups included the West IndianStanding Conference (WISC), the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination(CARD) and the Indian Workers Association of Great Britain (IWA). These groups made their views known through demonstrations, rallies and journals or their own publications like the Race Collective (Hines,1998, pp. 69-72). These groups would also receive support from white sympathizers in the Anti-Nazi League plus left wing members of the Labour party like Tony Benn or the Liberals (Ramdin, 1999, p. 246). According to the 1971 census 6 % of the British population had been born outside of the United Kingdom. Around 1.1 million were Black and Asian immigrants from the new Commonwealth representing 2.3% of the British population. A further 900,000 Black and Asian people were born in Britain and had no memories of their parents homelands. The percentage of the Black and Asian population born in Britain would increase, even as the level of immigration was restricted. These figures do not justify the hysteria and the suggestions of been swamped by immigrants that Powell and others talked about (Watson, 1997,p.423). The immigration policy of the Heath government might as well have been decided by Enoch Powell himself. The Immigration Act of 1971 redefined British citizen in a much more restricted and marrow way compared to the Nationalities Act of 1948. Instead of either having British and passports or not, several sub categories of citizenship were defined in the Act. Each category allowed a different degree of citizenship that in turn granted different rights of entry into Britain. The new system was designed in such a way that right of entry into Britain was determined almost entirely on the basis of any potential immigrants skin colour, unless of course Black and Asian immigrants had a grandfather born in Britain. This act meant that countless numbers of whites in the old Commonwealth could immigrate to Britain if they wanted to. However those Black and Asian that had obtained British passports before their countries gained independence found those British passports to be completely worthless. Enoch Powellheartily endorsed the 1971 Immigration Act, as it seemed the ultimate example of changing immigration policy to pacify and appease racism(Goldbourne, 1998, p.53). Powell did not stay happy with the Conservative leadership after Heath took Britain into the EuropeanUnion. In both elections of 1974 he urged Conservative voters to vote Labour as he believed a Labour g overnment would take Britain out of it.Perhaps much to the relief of Heath, Powell became an Ulster UnionistMP in 1974. Powell would have more in common with Heath’s successor, Margaret Thatcher in terms of immigration policy (Gardiner Wenborn, 1995, p. 613). This section of the dissertation will be shorter than the previous one.That is because there are fewer plausible arguments against the case that British immigration policy was changed to pacify or appease racism in British society. There were however justifications or compensations for the changes in immigration policy mainly relating to the alleged benefits and advantages of pacifying but not appeasing racism in British society. British governments could claim that its main responsibilities are for and to the people that live in Britain already whatever their race and ethnicity. Governments could argue that there were pragmatic, social and economic reasons for restricting non white immigration that was not adopted to pacify or appease racism in British society even if that was its unintended consequences. For instance British governments could argue that the deteriorating economic position of Britain meant that there were fewer jobs for Black and Asian to come to Britain to fill. Th erefore it would not be fair to allow them entry to stay on social security benefits for most of their working lives. The Heath government was committed to making the British economy more effective yet its plans came unstuck due to widespread industrial unrest and the oil crisis of 1973. The Wilson and Callaghan governments faced ever worsening economic conditions that forced Labour to abandon the post-war policy of working towards full employment. The harsher economic and social policies later known as Thatcherism made things even harder for Blacks and Asians that were already deprived and discriminated against (Black, 2000, pp. 212-15). Despite the tight restrictions on non-white immigration introduced by the Immigration Act of 1971 Heath would prove capable of revising the policy because of the crisis in Uganda. Idi Amin the Ugandan dictator following the example of the Kenyans had expelled all of the Ugandan Asians. Heath let some of the Ugandan Asians in to Britain(Eatwell, 2003,p.337). Heath tried to persuade as many countries as possible to give the Ugandan Asians refuge so his government did not have to (Watson 1997, p. 424). Pacifying racism in British society might not have been such a bad thing if it meant that the majority of Black and Asian people could lead their lives free from violence if not from discrimination. Arguably restricting non white immigration meant that Britain did not experience any race riots from Notting Hill in 1958 to the riots of1981. The Labour governments of 1964-70 and 1974-79 could justify continued immigration policy restrictions by claiming that Labour governments were the most beneficial governments for Black and Asian people and communities in Britain in terms of social and economic policies. Their case would be based on the fact that Labour was the party most determined to counter discrimination and tackle racism for those non whites already here for the cost of restricting further nonwhite immigration. Labour was committed to improving public services and reducing poverty that would certainly help the majority of Black and Asian people that lived in more deprived areas . It was the Labour party that passed the three Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968 and1976. These acts showed that the Labour governments would not appease or condone racism in domestic policy and showed their intent to lessen discrimination within British society (Black, 2000, p. 123). SometimesBritish public opinion has encouraged governments to allow immigrants when there has been a crisis or disaster. In the mid 1970s for instance Britain took some of the Vietnamese refugees often referred to as boat people (Evans, 2000, p.43). The immigration of Black and Asian people into Britain had a noticeable impact on British society leading to the phenomena of multiculturalism. These people brought in their own cultures, religions and perhaps to a lesser extent literature. Asians in particular could point out past academic and literal achievements(Ramdin, 1999, p.70). The issues of racism and immigration would lead to the production of large volumes of literature and writings both in justification, explanation or refutation of racism and immigration restrictions. Nobody could argue that Enoch Powell was academically backward and on the verge of illiteracy. In fact that is why he had such an impact on the immigration and race issues. He was not an ill-educated skinhead or violent Teddy boy but a former professor of classics and cabinet minister capable of rational arguments. In just one speech he had a much greater impact on immigration policy than any number of race riots or odious racial assaults (Comfort, 1993, 52 4).Even the fascist and neo-fascist organisations have produced literature to promote their views, it might not be up to Noble prize winning standards but it certainly has convinced enough people to support them. Oswald Mosley himself had been a prolific if not always coherent writer. The eventual leader of the National Front, JohnTyndall although more accustomed to inciting skinheads put forward his views in Six Principles of Nationalism published in 1966 (Eatwell,2003, p. 335). The effect that the tabloid newspapers and the more respectable right wing broad sheets can have on the issues of race and immigration cannot be ignored. When the newspapers are spreading fear and rumours of further immigration it is hardly conducive for British governments to reverse immigration controls on non-whites. For instance the reluctance of the Wilson and Heath governments to allow the Kenyan and Ugandan Asians into Britain (Watson, 1997, pp. 424-25). For the West Indians, Africans and the better educated Asians their education had largely been based on the English education system, hence the respect that many of them held Britain prior to immigration. In theWest Indies, English was the spoken language, whilst in the former colonies of Asia and Africa, English was the common language of the administrators and the social, economic and political elites.Therefore many Black people were literate if not better educated than their white counterparts. Discrimination and the desire to restrict immigration resulted from the abilities of immigrants

Saturday, January 18, 2020

Organized Crime

Organized Crime The Mongols Outlaw Motorcycle Club was founded in the East Los Angeles area, (City of Montebello,) in the late 60’s. It originally had ten members and all of them have had some type of contact with law enforcement. As the club grew, other chapters were formed and they rapidly expanded throughout the State of California. The Mongols quickly got involved in criminal activity, as means to support their club and lavish lifestyles.These crimes included the sale of narcotics, (predominantly Methamphetamine,) money laundering, robbery, extortion, firearms’ violations, murder, and assault, among other crimes. An organization of this type is formed by a group of individuals, whom predominantly come from an upbringing lacking educational and financial opportunities, and were raised in a broken home where one or both parents were not present. In the year 2008, the club president at the time, Ruben â€Å"Doc† Cavazos, made several poor choices, which brought federal indictments on himself and the rest of club members.Doc Cavazos was subsequently sentenced to 20 years in federal prison and prosecutors requested an injunction that prohibited club members and their families from possessing and/or wearing anything associated with the Mongols. In the same town, another former club president and founder of the Mongols, Alfonso â€Å"Big Al† Aceves, serves as a program director at The Rivers Edge Church. After a life of violence, drugs and serving time in prison, Big Al committed his life to Jesus Christ and began his journey as a Christian.Two men with the same background and chasing the same selfish goals; both earned the highest position in the same organization, one was swallowed by deception and the other was granted redemption Organized crime or criminal organizations are the international, national or local highly centralized enterprises ran by criminals for the purpose of engaging in illegal activity, most commonly for monetary profit. Some criminal organizations, such as terrorist organizations are politically motivated.An outlaw motorcycle gang is designed in a paramilitary system. There is a chain of command and ranks within this criminal enterprise. There is uniformity in the way they dress, (commonly known as â€Å"Colors,†) and they are obligated to ride the same make of motorcycles, (typically Harley Davidson. ) As in other criminal organizations, members operate by a code and they pledge an oath of death, should they decide to leave, (or â€Å"drop-out,†) the organization. Ruben â€Å"Doc† Cavazos was born and raised only by his father in Highland Park, in 1957.As he grew up, he became a member of The Avenues Gang of Highland Park, (a gang deemed involved in organized crime. ) During his late teen years, Doc Cavazos ended up serving time in county jail for a variety of crimes, but later earned a license to work as a radiology technician, hence the nickname â€Å"Doc. † I t was evident Doc Cavazos wanted to live a life of crime and violence and after getting tired of earning an honest living, he decided to join the Mongols. Doc Cavazos rapidly moved up in the ranks and subsequently became the international president of the club.Doc Cavazos’ overconfident demeanor generated a lot attention not only amongst the other outlaw motorcycle gangs, but also amongst local and federal law enforcement agencies. Several search warrants were served at Doc Cavazos’ homes and businesses and he always displayed a cocky attitude with police officers and federal agents during the raids. He always had the financial means and legal counsel to get him out of jail on bail within 24 hours from being arrested. However, Doc Cavazos’ own arrogance would become the tool not only law enforcement agents, but also his own troops would utilize to seal his doom.Doc Cavazos’ biggest mistake within his organization was to begin recruiting members of the 18t h Street Gang with affiliations with the Mexican Mafia and foreign drug cartels. This decision created tumult amongst Mongol’s members, since these 18th Street gang members did not own Harley Motorcycles, which is a must requirement for club members. It was evident to the rest of the Mongols that Doc Cavazos was mostly interested in troop numbers and the expansion of the drug, extortion and racketeering trades, than maintaining the oath he once pledged.Unbeknownst to Doc Cavazos was that this expansion of the club would open a bigger door for law enforcement to infiltrate confidential informants into the Mongols’ organization to gather intelligence. Within a short period of time, Doc Cavazos, his son Junior and the rest of club members found themselves with No Bail federal indictments and an injunction for their club. Before Doc Cavazos was sentenced to 20 years in federal prison, he was voted out from his position as the president of the Mongols. Doc Cavazos now sits in protective custody within the federal prison system, since a bounty et by his Mongol brothers will be awarded to the one who kills him. Alfonso â€Å"Big Al† Aceves grew up in East Los Angeles with no parental support and became what is commonly known in the criminal world as â€Å"The Enforcer,† by the age of 18. Big Al would get paid to collect monies from drug sales from subjects who would refuse or would be late in paying the drug lords. According to Big Al, he would prefer these subjects not pay, so he could have a reason to kill them. At almost 20 years-old, Big Al joined the armed forces and became a member of the 101st Airborne, which fought in Vietnam.Big Al said during an interview in reference to his military recruitment, â€Å"What is better than to kill people, is to legally kill people and get paid for it. † Upon his return from Vietnam, Big Al had various run-ins with the law and this prompted him to create an outlaw motorcycle club, which he c alled, the Mongols. His experience in the military also gave him the foundation to create a criminal organization. Big Al quickly became known for his violent behavior and ability to make money by illegal means. This earned him a reputation in the criminal world and the Mongols began to grow in size and in violent acts.Big Al ended up serving several county jail and prison sentences for a variety of major crimes. By the time he met his wife, who already had six children from a previous relationship, Big Al’s strength as a gang leader had begun to deteriorate; based on his drug consumption. Big Al became extremely addicted to Heroin and his earnings in the criminal world were not enough to maintain his drug habit and in turn, to provide for his family. Big Al and his family lost it all and became homeless with nowhere to go. There was a Christian family who met Big Al and his family, and they took them into their home.The head of that family told Big Al that the only thing he required of him was to read a Bible verse with him once a day. As time went by, Big Al was asked if he was willing to ask Jesus Christ into his heart and he yielded. He began his walk as a Christian, but there were still some challenges to face. There was still one pending case for an attempt to plant a bomb and Big Al served time in federal prison for this crime. Another challenge he faced was going through Heroin withdrawals which considering his excessive drug abuse, could have been lethal.Upon his released from prison, he met with his wife and family at the airport and the first thing Big Al told his wife was, â€Å"We are going back to church. † Big Al now serves as a counselor at a local church and he has spoken in hundreds of speaking engagements. He has also become the mentor to many, just as he, whom had led a life of crime and violence, and have now found forgiveness and redemption in Jesus Christ. We find two men of the same ethnicity, growing up in the same city, initially trying to embark in a legitimate career, but then deceived into returning to a lawless lifestyle.They both rose to power and temporarily enjoyed their status and sumptuous ways of living only to find out in the end that it was all meaningless. One of these men finds himself captive and in fear for his life, while the other, although having been tried and faced severe consequences, has finally found true freedom and deliverance in Jesus Christ. In the same sense, we see how these two men with similar upbringings and the lack of parental love and guidance were easily snared into a life of crime and violence; supporting socio-cultural statistics.Works Cited â€Å"Al Aceves: Hard Core No More. † The 700 Club. Interview by Gordon Robertson. CBN. 19 Dec. 2012. Television. The River’s Edge Ranch. â€Å"Al Aceves. † A remarkable testimony. Web. www. theriversedgeranch. org/about-us/staff/316763. aspx[->0] Cavazos, Ruben â€Å"Doc†. Honor Few, Fear None. New York: Basic, 2008. Print. [->0] – http://www. theriversedgeranch. org/about-us/staff/316763. aspx Organized Crime Organized Crime The Mongols Outlaw Motorcycle Club was founded in the East Los Angeles area, (City of Montebello,) in the late 60’s. It originally had ten members and all of them have had some type of contact with law enforcement. As the club grew, other chapters were formed and they rapidly expanded throughout the State of California. The Mongols quickly got involved in criminal activity, as means to support their club and lavish lifestyles.These crimes included the sale of narcotics, (predominantly Methamphetamine,) money laundering, robbery, extortion, firearms’ violations, murder, and assault, among other crimes. An organization of this type is formed by a group of individuals, whom predominantly come from an upbringing lacking educational and financial opportunities, and were raised in a broken home where one or both parents were not present. In the year 2008, the club president at the time, Ruben â€Å"Doc† Cavazos, made several poor choices, which brought federal indictments on himself and the rest of club members.Doc Cavazos was subsequently sentenced to 20 years in federal prison and prosecutors requested an injunction that prohibited club members and their families from possessing and/or wearing anything associated with the Mongols. In the same town, another former club president and founder of the Mongols, Alfonso â€Å"Big Al† Aceves, serves as a program director at The Rivers Edge Church. After a life of violence, drugs and serving time in prison, Big Al committed his life to Jesus Christ and began his journey as a Christian.Two men with the same background and chasing the same selfish goals; both earned the highest position in the same organization, one was swallowed by deception and the other was granted redemption Organized crime or criminal organizations are the international, national or local highly centralized enterprises ran by criminals for the purpose of engaging in illegal activity, most commonly for monetary profit. Some criminal organizations, such as terrorist organizations are politically motivated.An outlaw motorcycle gang is designed in a paramilitary system. There is a chain of command and ranks within this criminal enterprise. There is uniformity in the way they dress, (commonly known as â€Å"Colors,†) and they are obligated to ride the same make of motorcycles, (typically Harley Davidson. ) As in other criminal organizations, members operate by a code and they pledge an oath of death, should they decide to leave, (or â€Å"drop-out,†) the organization. Ruben â€Å"Doc† Cavazos was born and raised only by his father in Highland Park, in 1957.As he grew up, he became a member of The Avenues Gang of Highland Park, (a gang deemed involved in organized crime. ) During his late teen years, Doc Cavazos ended up serving time in county jail for a variety of crimes, but later earned a license to work as a radiology technician, hence the nickname â€Å"Doc. † I t was evident Doc Cavazos wanted to live a life of crime and violence and after getting tired of earning an honest living, he decided to join the Mongols. Doc Cavazos rapidly moved up in the ranks and subsequently became the international president of the club.Doc Cavazos’ overconfident demeanor generated a lot attention not only amongst the other outlaw motorcycle gangs, but also amongst local and federal law enforcement agencies. Several search warrants were served at Doc Cavazos’ homes and businesses and he always displayed a cocky attitude with police officers and federal agents during the raids. He always had the financial means and legal counsel to get him out of jail on bail within 24 hours from being arrested. However, Doc Cavazos’ own arrogance would become the tool not only law enforcement agents, but also his own troops would utilize to seal his doom.Doc Cavazos’ biggest mistake within his organization was to begin recruiting members of the 18t h Street Gang with affiliations with the Mexican Mafia and foreign drug cartels. This decision created tumult amongst Mongol’s members, since these 18th Street gang members did not own Harley Motorcycles, which is a must requirement for club members. It was evident to the rest of the Mongols that Doc Cavazos was mostly interested in troop numbers and the expansion of the drug, extortion and racketeering trades, than maintaining the oath he once pledged.Unbeknownst to Doc Cavazos was that this expansion of the club would open a bigger door for law enforcement to infiltrate confidential informants into the Mongols’ organization to gather intelligence. Within a short period of time, Doc Cavazos, his son Junior and the rest of club members found themselves with No Bail federal indictments and an injunction for their club. Before Doc Cavazos was sentenced to 20 years in federal prison, he was voted out from his position as the president of the Mongols. Doc Cavazos now sits in protective custody within the federal prison system, since a bounty et by his Mongol brothers will be awarded to the one who kills him. Alfonso â€Å"Big Al† Aceves grew up in East Los Angeles with no parental support and became what is commonly known in the criminal world as â€Å"The Enforcer,† by the age of 18. Big Al would get paid to collect monies from drug sales from subjects who would refuse or would be late in paying the drug lords. According to Big Al, he would prefer these subjects not pay, so he could have a reason to kill them. At almost 20 years-old, Big Al joined the armed forces and became a member of the 101st Airborne, which fought in Vietnam.Big Al said during an interview in reference to his military recruitment, â€Å"What is better than to kill people, is to legally kill people and get paid for it. † Upon his return from Vietnam, Big Al had various run-ins with the law and this prompted him to create an outlaw motorcycle club, which he c alled, the Mongols. His experience in the military also gave him the foundation to create a criminal organization. Big Al quickly became known for his violent behavior and ability to make money by illegal means. This earned him a reputation in the criminal world and the Mongols began to grow in size and in violent acts.Big Al ended up serving several county jail and prison sentences for a variety of major crimes. By the time he met his wife, who already had six children from a previous relationship, Big Al’s strength as a gang leader had begun to deteriorate; based on his drug consumption. Big Al became extremely addicted to Heroin and his earnings in the criminal world were not enough to maintain his drug habit and in turn, to provide for his family. Big Al and his family lost it all and became homeless with nowhere to go. There was a Christian family who met Big Al and his family, and they took them into their home.The head of that family told Big Al that the only thing he required of him was to read a Bible verse with him once a day. As time went by, Big Al was asked if he was willing to ask Jesus Christ into his heart and he yielded. He began his walk as a Christian, but there were still some challenges to face. There was still one pending case for an attempt to plant a bomb and Big Al served time in federal prison for this crime. Another challenge he faced was going through Heroin withdrawals which considering his excessive drug abuse, could have been lethal.Upon his released from prison, he met with his wife and family at the airport and the first thing Big Al told his wife was, â€Å"We are going back to church. † Big Al now serves as a counselor at a local church and he has spoken in hundreds of speaking engagements. He has also become the mentor to many, just as he, whom had led a life of crime and violence, and have now found forgiveness and redemption in Jesus Christ. We find two men of the same ethnicity, growing up in the same city, initially trying to embark in a legitimate career, but then deceived into returning to a lawless lifestyle.They both rose to power and temporarily enjoyed their status and sumptuous ways of living only to find out in the end that it was all meaningless. One of these men finds himself captive and in fear for his life, while the other, although having been tried and faced severe consequences, has finally found true freedom and deliverance in Jesus Christ. In the same sense, we see how these two men with similar upbringings and the lack of parental love and guidance were easily snared into a life of crime and violence; supporting socio-cultural statistics.Works Cited â€Å"Al Aceves: Hard Core No More. † The 700 Club. Interview by Gordon Robertson. CBN. 19 Dec. 2012. Television. The River’s Edge Ranch. â€Å"Al Aceves. † A remarkable testimony. Web. www. theriversedgeranch. org/about-us/staff/316763. aspx[->0] Cavazos, Ruben â€Å"Doc†. Honor Few, Fear None. New York: Basic, 2008. Print. [->0] – http://www. theriversedgeranch. org/about-us/staff/316763. aspx

Friday, January 10, 2020

My Goals As a Professional in Both The Country I Intend To Practice and the Developing Countries

I am very passionate about medicine partly because I grew up in a similar environment for twenty one years. My mother and grandfather practice Medicine back at home. Owing   to   the   principle of   nature   that   we   are   what we repeatedly do, I   got   into   the   habit   of   always working with and helping the   sick at a tender age.But   to exalt   my   family for the passion without   acknowledging   the   experiences   that   have   shaped   me   would be like noticing the beauty of the rain   but failing to realize that it has   enriched the soil. I remember vividly some time back the friendship and laughter I shared with one Francisca-a 14 year old girl in a high school with children suffering from cerebral palsy, but today as I speak, she is no more.I   also   remember   the   good   old   days   when   my   grandfather-one   that   I   love   so   much, was   healthy, energetic, and    full   of   life, but   today   as   days   go   by, he   gradually   becomes   weak, exhausted   and   uncertain   of   what   life   has   in   store   for   him. He   suffers   from   COPD; a   disease   that   takes   your life   over time. It   weakens   the   functioning   of   your   lungs   with   years   until   one   resort s   to   using   different  Ã‚   oxygen   masks   to   breath   through.These   few   but   life   changing   experiences   fueled   my   drive   to   help   people   in   similar   or   even   worse   situations. My   purpose   of   seeking   for   this   sponsorship   therefore   is   to   enable   me   attain   the   academic requirements   and   skills   that   cut   across   the   board.It   is   also   on   the  Ã‚   basis of   the   fact   that   United   States   is   far   ahead   with   technological   advancement, a   good market   place   for   doctors   and   hospitals   which   constitute   a   good   market   base   for   enrichment   of   knowledge   and   skill.Besides   this, I intend   to   practice   in   United   States   with   the   view   of   contributing   to   the   social   and   economic   development   by   helping   the   needy   access   medical care   easily   and   disseminate   information.As   established   by   various   researches, America   is   rated   as   one   of   the   poor   providers   of   medical   care   as   compared   to   other   developed   states. This   is   because   health   care   in   the   States   is   governed   by   the   free   market   mechanism   where   the   self   interests of individuals   h ealth wise is directed   by   supply   and   demand   principle. This   in   my   view   depicts   that   the   health care   system in the United States to be more   of   a private   affair   where   the   government   plays   a   minimal   role   through   government   assistance   programs.This in  Ã‚   my view is not sufficient. As   a result, millions   of   Americans   are   missing   out   on   good   health   care   thus   lowering   their   life   expectancy, standard of living, leverage   and so on. It   is   noteworthy that   health care is   one   of   the   fundamental   rights   envisioned   in   the  Ã‚   Universal   Declaration   on   Human   Rights   and   the   American   Constitution- â€Å"every   one   is   entitled   to   equal   opportunity† (Dolores la Guardia and Guth, P. H. (2000)., thus the issue should   take    prominence   in   government's   budgetary   allocation.In   view   of   this   therefore, my   purpose and goal therefore while practicing in America   would   be   to   assist   in   bridging   the   disparity   by   offering   free   consultative   services   and   dissemination   of   information   regarding   good   health   care   practices   in   schools, hospitals   and   organizations   to   enhance   the   living   standards   as   well   as reduction   of   costs   with   regard   to   medical   expenses.I   am   certain   that   with   the   exposure   in   St   George’s medical school would   give   me   a   wide   range   of   experience   that   cuts   across   the   board   if   given   a   chance.In   agreement   with the   foregoing, I   will strive   to   work   in   close   connection   with   developing   countries   to   help   eradicate   epidemiological   diseases   through   facilitating   contacts   to   ensure   that   sharing   of   information, skills   and   experience   is   possible. While   dealing   with   the   above consideration   will   be   made   on   social ,political, economic   and   technical   situation   of   the   developing   countries.The   purpose   of   my   undertaking   would   be   with   the   aim   of   phasing   out   the   deployment   of   expatriates   and   replacing   it   with   partnership   model   so   as   reduce   medical   costs.I feel strongly that by focusing on the above issues, I will be making my contribution to humanity and giving back to the society. I therefore request that you consider my application for a sponsorship as this will go a long way in assisting me to realize my profess ional objectives of making the world a better place.References:Dolores la Guardia and Guth, P. H. (2000). American Voices, Culture and Community.Toronto. Mayfield Publishing Co.

Thursday, January 2, 2020

Project Proposal The Big Idea - 1884 Words

Response to Project Proposal The Big Idea Background This project is about coming up with a business idea for The Big Issue which is one of the largest social enterprises in Australia, which helps in the solutions to homelessness in the community. A social enterprise is operated as a usual business except that it invest back its profits back into the business, and has goals to achieve social and environmental outcomes .As this is a not for profit organization the business idea project should include the elements to operate as not for profit. Scope Discussion Discuss with our team members in order to develop the concept of the big idea as per the definition of social enterprise. Consider the following questions while addressing the key definitions of social enterprise, social business and The Big Issue. How our business idea is going to create opportunities which are meaningful to the homeless, marginalized and the disadvantage people in the community? What sort of activity of the business will generate a social outcome? Identify the social outcome and the activities which are to be used to achieve those social outcomes. Get information from the available tools such as a logical framework approach. How this business idea will be scalable for growth in the future? Consider the business idea within the definition of a scalable business which increases the revenues and lower the cost to deliver than its current revenues. When a business is conducted as scalableShow MoreRelatedExample of Proposal in Research634 Words   |  3 Pages A PROPOSAL FOR A RESEARCH ON FOOTBALL TECHNOLOGY By Ahmad Zaid Bin Ahmad Affendi B061310020 Nur Aina Mardhia Binti Mohd Esmadi B061310202 Tee Wan Xin B061310090 Saiful Hafizie B. Ramli@Hashim B061310237 Halimaton Saadiah Binti Hakimi B061310222 1.0 INTRODUCTION 1.1 Purpose We propose to complete the research and produce a report on football technology. 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